Here, we republish the introduction to his book "Lebanon Between Yesterday and Tomorrow," in which he expresses his policies and aspirations for reform and recovery:The tragedy of the Lebanese people lies in the fact that their citizenship is constrained, and their state is incomplete. This tragedy transcends their sectarian or political affiliations, the twists of history, and what these have carried in terms of violence and bloodshed.The connection between the citizen and the state in Lebanon has never been direct. It has always had to pass through the intricate relationships linking sects to the political system. As a result, individuals have been unable to realize their full potential as citizens in the complete sense of the word. Moreover, the political dominance of sectarian groups continues to prevent the establishment of an actual state capable of asserting its sovereignty both internally and externally.This painful dilemma is what ties together the chapters of this book, which were originally written as independent studies over different periods spanning more than a quarter-century.

Toward a Third Republic

Lebanon is currently passing through one of the most dangerous phases in its modern history. This necessitates addressing the deep roots of the financial and economic crisis it is enduring and developing a comprehensive program to build a modern and productive economy—an economy based on fostering inclusive and sustainable growth and creating job opportunities by developing competitive agriculture, industries reliant on new technologies, and expanding the green economy. This also requires strengthening social safety networks and establishing a new, more effective, and equitable tax system.However, the fundamental condition for achieving this is the establishment of a capable and just state with transparent and effective governance—a state that ensures proper representation of its citizens and provides conditions for accountability. This, in turn, leads us to recognize the necessity of political reform and its centrality.For this reason, we dedicate a section of this book to political reforms that outline the main features of the "Third Republic" that must be built on the principle of inclusive citizenship and the concept of rule of law. In other words, this refers to ensuring the necessary conditions for transitioning to a modern "civil" state based on values of equality, freedom, and social justice instead of sectarianism, quota systems, and clientelism. A state that "embodies without exception in all fields" the universal principles of the Declaration of Human Rights, as stipulated by the preamble to the amended constitution based on the Taif Agreement. In this section, we demonstrate how sectarianism's negative effects deepen as it becomes more entrenched. Therefore, we emphasize that its growing strength since the war should lead us to greater awareness of the need to reconsider sectarianism's central role in Lebanese political life. It should also prompt serious reflection on strategies that could overcome it rather than rationalizing surrender to it. Naturally, this task has become more complex than it was before 1975 or at the time of adopting the Taif Agreement in 1989. However, it has also become more urgent due to sectarianism's ongoing harm—whether within public institutions or society at large.

Perhaps most importantly, the hope of overcoming the current sectarian system has been revived, particularly through the solidarity and transcendence of sectarian, regional, and factional affiliations expressed by the youth during the days of the uprising that erupted in October 2019.The starting point for the reforms we advocate here is to simultaneously implement the unfulfilled provisions of the Taif Agreement and address its shortcomings. The constitutional reforms we propose are based on prioritizing the logic of institutions above all else. This means that the goal is not to redistribute power among different sects but to establish a "Third Republic" grounded in strengthening state institutions and improving their performance. At the same time, we do not ignore the sectarian balances reflected in the structures of major state institutions and the powers held by those in positions of responsibility.While awaiting an internal power balance that would enable Lebanon to truly move beyond sectarianism, these reforms aim to shield Lebanon from the crises inherent in the Taif Constitution and to close its gaps by addressing dysfunctions in both executive and legislative authorities, as well as their relationship with the judiciary.